08: October 2009

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Cultural Agencies - Collection

'Collection' explores the vehicular tools that the 'Gulsuyu, Gulensu Daukkani' can create and utilise to gather both empirical data about the residents of the area, and, viewpoints of individuals about a common platform.

The existing tools and methods for 'Collection' at the Dukkan had been carried out by means of a 'Mobile Vitrin.' The introduction of the 'vitrin' as an alien object was intended to spark curiosity and trigger community interest into collecting and displaying historical artefacts and photographs for a (short) limited period of time within one given community centre/political party centre before the same procedure would be carried out elsewhere. Having researched the outcome of the previous attempts to utilise the 'vitrin' in this manner (of which only one attempt materialised) together with the findings of my Live Project colleagues and other interviews with local community members, it was evident that the scope of the 'vitrin' in this manner was very limited. Firstly, due to the fact that the communities that these 'vitrin' events were planned for are largely closed communities that are only accessible by the members of a given sector of society; i.e. any collection or display would merely represent the experiences of a group of people who share political views or geographic backgrounds etc. Secondly, aside from photographs of the 'vitrin' and a number of very impersonal contact cards recording names of contributors, the documentation and representation of these events for dissemination to the wider community at a 'neutral' location such as the 'Dukkan' is practically non-existent. For these reasons, I believe the 'collection' project at the 'Dukkan' is not fulfilling its participatory potential in collecting a broader sample of data from more contributors, or presenting this information back to the wider community of Gulsuyu and Gulensu.

By providing a participatory tool that draws attention to it and invites discussion about the needs and feelings of the residents, an open platform for conversations can be had beyond the constraints of a political party, or place of origin. I am of the opinion that it is only then that a real discussion about the future planning and development of Gulsuyu and Gulensu can be approached in a meaningful way that can be presented to higher authorities in defence of the sustainability of cultural agency.

Office

Office looks to the Dukkan as the physical manifestation of 'Cultural Agencies' practices. It explores the intricate and precarious nature of Gulensu|Gulsuyu's relationship with the municipality. Office will determine the Dukkan's present and future role as neutral activator and alien institution.

+'Active Neutrality'. The image above is a satirical study of Gulensu|Gulsuyu's existing and fragile relationship with the municipality. It aims to pictorial illustrate areas of conflict and kinship. The title 'Active Neutrality' alludes to the role of the Dukkan in this political soup.

+This diagram comprehensively maps Gulensu|Gulsuyu's fractured 'extreme left' political network and the other social organisations in the area. It is concerning on two levels. Firstly, it highlights the extent of the communities isolation from external frameworks (with only two or so tangible connections to the municipality). Secondly, the route this information takes raise questions as to wether the community is fully represented in this exchange of information.

+ Office will look to how the Dukkan can be used as a tool for addressing the above issues. Furthermore, it aims to look at our role as architects within the process of urban regeneration.

Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Agency Tool: Archive

Archive

Working with sociology student Büşra Çiçek, I interviewed a range of Gülsuyu-Gülensu residents. However, before we could ask any questions we were quizzed ourselves: who are you; why are you here; what are you doing; who has paid for you to come? The locals are happy to work with students and were always very generous, however many senior figures distrust the sincerity of the research, assuming that urban transformation is a hidden pretext. The reasons given for this are the involvement of ‘Garanti’ and the lack of feedback they receive. On many occasions research has been gathered but none of it has been disseminated back to the local community and original contributors. If the research isn’t being given back to them, they are asking, who is it being fed to?

Considering Geertz’s work on anthropology, we also must look ethically at our position as observer, and the repercussions our presence has upon the Gülsuyu-Gülensu residents; people who are already under considerable stress over the security of their homes and future of their livelihoods. Whilst we write notes and draw maps we are bothering them in the same way a stranger disturbs a passenger just by staring at them on the bus. We must remember that even as non-participating bystanders we are still interfering with our subjects, and for them, the Dukkan is a looming reminder of the unwelcome urban transformation. Clearly greater transparency with our project and research is required; however, gathering a public archive of material raises the following issues: access; privacy protection; ownership.

Interview at Gulensu tea room

Agency Tool: Events

'Events'

The neighbourhood of Gulsuyu and Gulensu is a rich tapestry of events and social interactions. A strong sense of community is brought about by the blurred boundaries between shared space and private space in a dense low rise urban landscape.

The Dukkani is positioned in a perfect location to share in these events. It looks towards a predefined 'Centre' of the neighbourhood monitored by CCTV to control anticipated gatherings, political uprisings or ultimately revolutions. It sits on the most important Bus Route in the village attracting interest from as far as Kadikoy and Kartal. It straddles a major school route inspiring curiosity from the neighbourhood's budding intellectuals and on Wednesdays becomes a silent part of a massive Bazaar that weaves all the way across the stepped hillside.

Although we have witnessed this, the Dukkani's relationship to these events and social interactions is ambiguous and in many cases non-existent.

Though exploring and mapping past events alongside the physical and social connections in the Dukkani's vicinity I hope to explore the type of conversation this shop could have with the residents that walk past it with curiosity each day.

From this study I hope to make a number of decisions both physical and temporal that will re-appropriate shared space around the Dukkani to allow for a richer and more explorative exchange.

Agency Tool: 'Library'

‘Library’

I began my investigation by speaking to residents to explore where they find ‘information’ with a mobile map providing the vehicle for consultation. With the help of a translator I was able to speak to people in various locations around G & G and question where they sourced ‘Information’ in relation to where they lived. The sources of information were mapped in six separated categories; Magazines, Newspapers, Literature, DVD, Political Literature and Internet. General discussions were held in consultations to find out more about ‘library’.

The second part of my investigation was to visit 2 information institutions which contained a ‘library’ to find out in depth exactly how they functioned. How are people able to access the facility, how is it run, where do the books come from, who reads the books – if at all.....etc

The main conclusions which I can initially draw from my investigations are as follows:

What works.

· The Main library at Maltepe is accessible for those who can travel there.

· The Political centres provide bookshelves which represent the institutions, with books,magazines and political newspapers readily available

· Word of mouth

· Religious centres with links to public information courses. (Cem house

· Many have private connection with several internet cafes providing for those who are computer literate.

· Private Libraries apparently exist for those who know of their existence.

· Daily newspapers and magazines readily available from shops for those who can afford.

What doesn’t work.

· There is no provision of non religion or non political ‘library’ within G & G, with no cultural centre for social interaction or knowledge exchange.

· There are bad attitudes. People say they don’t need to learn, and don’t want to learn. Thereis little habitual reading for pleasure, which could be generation economic problem.

· School Libraries are not being utilised within the curriculum. Children are not reading.

· The selection of books which are available are old and outdated.

· There is little communication of the sources of information.

· Few social interaction tools

· No secondary school in G & G.

What should a ‘Library’ be in G & G?

An accessible network of information which informs people about the source of available information; Maps, Website, Display, Mobile Library, Dukkani....

Tim